According to forecasts, the party could win 43,6 percent of the vote, which represents an increase of six percentage points compared to the election four years ago. Even in 2015 they achieved an absolute majority. In the 460-seat Sejm it comes to 239 mandates according to the numbers.
The result is the best result for a party since the end of communism. It is also clear that Mateusz Morawiecki can still remain prime minister.
It was a bleak evening experienced by the liberal civic platform. It lost more than four percentage points and now polls at only 27,4 percent. Already at the polling booths four years ago, the party had to cope with losses of about 15 percentage points. The Left Alliance Lewica received 11,9 percent, the Christian Democratic party alliance received 9,6 percent.
The national libertarian party Konfederacja scored above average with about 20 percent, especially among the under-30s. In the election campaign, Nobel Peace Prize Laureates Lech Walesa and Nobel Prize winner Olga Tokarczuk had positioned themselves against the PiS. The latter even spoke of a decision between “democracy and authoritarianism”. The final result is expected on Monday evening or Tuesday.
This election was ignored by most Western European media, but it was an election which could decide not only the future of East Central Europe, but perhaps even the entire continent.
If the current government continues to inspire the majority, the hope for a conservative renewal of at least the eastern half of Europe has not been in vain. However, should there be a takeover of power by the left-liberal opposition, nothing would stand in the way of bowing under politically correct conditions.
For the Poles, the European spirit is not associated with the year 1789, but rather in 1683, when the Polish army at the Battle of Kahlenberg saved the whole of Central Europe from the onslaught of Islam.
Poland is understandably, even more so than Hungary, a thorn in the side of many left-liberal politicians. Not because the largely inward-looking PiS government would openly attack the system prevalent in Western Europe, but because it shows on a daily basis that Europe’s present cultural, demographic, economic and political decline is not entirely without viable alternatives, on the contrary.
The Visegrad Union and the Three Seas Initiative has shown that close European cooperation is also possible beyond the EU, and that it is certainly possible to vigorously promote a Christian-Western European union without submitting to the soullessness of the Brussels parliamentary apparatus or chimeric multiculturalism.
When the next euro crisis strikes, chances are therefore not bad that Western Europe will plunge into an abyss, but Eastern Central Europe will not, Dr David Engels, Professor of Roman History in Brussels and researcher at Instytut Zachodni in Poznan argues.
“This alone explains why so much energy is being spent on forcing Poland, as the last major European state, to become involved in the consensus of political correctness,” Engels added.