Greece Calls Out German-fueled Illegal Immigration

Greece, one of the European Union’s frontline states grappling with illegal migration, has pointedly accused Germany of fueling the crisis. In January, the Greek government delivered a confidential and sharply worded document to Magnus Brunner, the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs and Migration from Austria’s ÖVP party.

Penned by Greece’s Deputy Minister of Migration, Sofia Voultepsi, the report singles out Germany as a primary “pull factor” driving illegal migration across Europe. It bluntly states: “Germany points fingers at everyone else for the illegal migration crisis, yet they bear significant responsibility for the chaos.”

Athens contends that Germany’s outgoing “traffic light” coalition—comprising the SPD, Greens, and FDP—adopted a lenient stance on migration upon taking office in autumn 2021, effectively normalizing it. For Greece, this approach has acted as an open invitation to illegal migrants. The frustration is palpable, as Greece faces a resurgence in migrant arrivals while other nations, like Italy, report declines.

Funding Criminals

Compounding the issue, Germany’s incoming Merz government has already backtracked on campaign pledges to tighten immigration policy, signaling to Athens that Germany will likely remain a magnet not only for migrants but also for criminal elements exploiting lax systems.

In Germany, the migration debate has however taken a provocative turn. Björn Höcke, the AfD’s state and parliamentary group leader in Thuringia, stirred controversy by renaming the “citizen’s allowance”—a key welfare benefit—a “foreigner’s allowance.” He justified this by citing Federal Statistical Office figures showing that, by the end of 2024, 47% of recipients were non-Germans, nearly half the total.

Höcke’s remarks drew widespread condemnation, yet they resonated with critics of Germany’s welfare system.

The AfD escalated its critique with a parliamentary inquiry (Bundestag Document No. 20/14630), uncovering a startling fact: individuals subject to active arrest warrants can still receive citizen’s allowance payments. The federal government’s response confirmed that no data-sharing occurs between public prosecutors and job centers, meaning wanted suspects face no barriers to accessing state funds.

AfD’s labor and social policy spokesperson, René Springer, decried this as “utterly indefensible” to taxpayers. He argued that supporting suspected criminals—often in hiding, evading prosecution, and unemployable—mocks the system’s intent to foster social and economic integration. Springer demanded an immediate end to benefits for anyone under an arrest warrant, calling it “morally dubious and politically reckless” to fund those dodging justice.

Greens being Greens

Meanwhile, former Green Party MP Emilia Fester, who left the Bundestag after the recent election, has embarked on a new path. Now training as a paramedic, she shared on Instagram her plans to join “civilian sea rescue” operations in the Mediterranean. Reflecting on her parliamentary tenure, Fester lamented her inability to block stricter asylum laws, which she believes have worsened the “plight” of migrants.

Her ambition to aid sea rescues, she says, stems from this unresolved commitment. However, her pivot to what most people would call migrant smuggling has sparked backlash.

Julian Reichelt, former Bild editor-in-chief and now a commentator at the independent outlet Nius, accused Fester of exploiting taxpayer funds—first as an MP, now through NGO activities—to lure illegal migrants to Europe. He described a “revolving door” between Germany’s political class and migration-focused NGOs, raising questions about accountability.

Merz Does Not Represent Business Class

On the political front, CDU leader Friedrich Merz, widely expected to become Germany’s next Chancellor, is facing growing dissent within his party. Having already abandoned key election promises on immigration control, Merz has alienated both voters and party members.

Public opinion polls consistently show that a majority of Germans oppose another “Grand Coalition” between the CDU/CSU and SPD, favoring instead a partnership with the AfD, particularly in eastern states. This sentiment has fueled unrest, culminating in a bold move by the CDU’s Harz district association in Saxony-Anhalt.

Last week, it passed a resolution urging Merz to rescind the CDU’s long-standing “firewall” policy against the AfD, citing the party’s electoral drubbing in the east. In February’s federal election, the AfD secured 37% in Saxony-Anhalt, dominating as the state’s strongest force and sweeping all direct mandates, while the CDU lagged at 19.2%.

The Harz resolution highlights “massive unrest” among the CDU base, with resignations mounting and more members threatening to defect. It calls for a party-wide vote on any coalition agreement and an end to the AfD ban across all federal states.

Saxony-Anhalt’s state executive, led by manager Mario Zeisig, has downplayed the revolt, insisting there will be “no cooperation with the AfD or the Left.” Yet, as grassroots pressure intensifies, the CDU leadership may find it increasingly difficult to ignore demands for a strategic rethink, especially in regions where the AfD’s influence continues to grow.

AfD Has Most Entrepreneurs in the Bundestag

The AfD is poised to become the party for Germany’s business class. Its parliamentary group in the Bundestag has by far the largest number of entrepreneurs in its ranks, both in absolute terms and in percentage terms. This is according to an analysis by the Foundation for Family Businesses and Politics.

The development in numbers: Of the 152 AfD members of the Bundestag, 17 run their own businesses – that’s 11.1 percent. However, this percentage had already risen to 15.7 percent (13 entrepreneurs) in the previous legislative period. The AfD thus replaces the former business party, the FDP, which is no longer represented in the new Bundestag. The proportion of entrepreneurs in the FDP parliamentary group was 17.6 percent (16 entrepreneurs).

The CDU/CSU follows a distant second place. The CDU/CSU has eleven entrepreneurs, representing a share of 5.3 percent. The Social Democrats also follow in third place, with a mere 4.2 percent (six entrepreneurs). Among the Green Party MPs, there are four business owners, while the Left Party has none.

Overall, the proportion of entrepreneurs in the Bundestag has fallen to a historic low, notes the Foundation for Family Business and Politics. Foundation board member Rainer Kirchdörfer noted that this was “not a good development.” Because: “Germany is an economic nation,” he said. “We also need those in the Bundestag who bring practical experience in the market economy. Without them, the Bundestag is poorer.”

According to the foundation, 51 entrepreneurs were members of the old Bundestag. In 2017, there were 78—more than twice as many as in the newly elected Bundestag.